FIVE MOST SURPRISING FINDS
Ranked by how hard they are to explain away
5
Black parents were more likely than white parents to support traditional discipline policies in schools. The people living with the consequences of disorder wanted order restored. The people who eliminated consequences did not live in the neighborhoods they disrupted. Education Next Survey, 2018
4
The 2014 “Dear Colleague” letter never had the force of law. It was guidance — not legislation, not regulation — yet it coerced 13,000 school districts into dismantling their discipline systems through the threat of federal investigation. U.S. DOE & DOJ, Office for Civil Rights, January 8, 2014
3
The RAND study of Pittsburgh's restorative justice program found reduced suspensions but no significant impact — positive or negative — on academic achievement. The policy’s academic effects remain a subject of ongoing debate. RAND Corporation, RR-2840-NLSB, 2018
2
The GAO confirmed Black students were suspended at three times the rate of white students — but could not determine how much was bias and how much was behavioral difference. The reform movement treated the entire disparity as racism. The data did not support that conclusion. U.S. Government Accountability Office, GAO-18-258, 2018
1
The primary victims of eliminated school discipline were not the suspended students. They were the quiet Black students sitting next to them — the ones who came to learn and found that learning was impossible because the classroom had been surrendered to chaos in the name of equity. Eden, Manhattan Institute, 2019; Steinberg & Lacoe, Education Next, 2017

In January 2014, the U.S. Department of Education and the Department of Justice sent a joint “Dear Colleague” letter—an official warning to every public school district in the country. The letter did not have the force of law, but it carried the clear weight of the federal government’s power to enforce rules. Its message was unmistakable — school discipline policies that led to racial gaps in suspension rates would be treated as potential civil rights violations, even if the policies were written to be fair on paper.

If Black students were suspended more often than white students, the district could face a federal investigation. The letter did not say schools must end suspensions, but in practice, schools would be punished for the results of their discipline policies. School leaders understood the threat precisely. They responded by eliminating suspensions.

What followed was a massive, well-documented policy failure. It hurt the very students it was meant to protect. The education establishment refuses to admit this because admitting it would mean their progressive consensus was not just wrong—it was destructive.

The students who paid the highest price were overwhelmingly Black. They were not the students who were no longer being suspended. They were the students who sat next to them—the quiet ones, the studious ones, the ones who came to school to learn and found, increasingly, that learning was impossible because the classroom had been surrendered to chaos in the name of equity.

The Disparity That Started It All

Let us be honest about what the discipline reformers were responding to, because the disparities were real and they demanded attention.

The Government Accountability Office, in a comprehensive 2018 report, confirmed what researchers had documented for decades—Black students were suspended at rates about three times those of white students. Black boys were the most disproportionately affected group. Black girls were suspended at higher rates than white boys. These disparities persisted even when controlling for school poverty levels and other demographic factors.

Suspension Rates — Black vs. White Students

Black Students
White Students

U.S. Government Accountability Office, GAO-18-258, 2018

The question the discipline reform movement refused to ask—or asked and then refused to accept the answer to—was straightforward. Were these disparities entirely the product of racial bias in how discipline was applied? Or did they also reflect, at least in part, genuine differences in rates of disruptive behavior? Differences traceable to the social and economic factors that disproportionately affect Black students.

The GAO report carefully noted that its analysis could not determine the extent to which disparities reflected bias versus differences in behavior. But the reform movement was not interested in careful distinctions. It had a narrative, and the narrative was that the disparities were caused by racism, full stop, and the solution was to eliminate the disparities by eliminating the discipline.

“The assumption that any racial disparity in discipline must be caused by racism is itself a form of the soft bigotry of low expectations—it assumes that Black children cannot be expected to follow the same rules as everyone else.”
— Max Eden, Manhattan Institute, 2019

What the Research Found

The RAND Corporation conducted one of the most rigorous evaluations of restorative justice—a discipline approach that replaces punishment with guided conversations between offenders and those they harmed—ever performed. They studied Pittsburgh Public Schools from 2015 to 2018. Pittsburgh had been among the most aggressive adopters, replacing suspensions with restorative circles, peer mediation, and other alternatives.

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RAND found that suspension rates declined, achieving the policy's stated goal. However, RAND found no statistically significant effect on academic achievement. RAND found no significant relationship between restorative justice implementation intensity and academic outcomes.

The RAND study found no evidence that restorative justice worsened outcomes for Black students or widened the achievement gap. The academic effects of discipline reform remain debated.

Augustine et al., RAND Corporation, RR-2840-NLSB, 2018

The policy designed to help Black students did not produce the academic improvements its architects promised. The RAND study found no significant academic gains from restorative justice implementation. And the students who bore the cost were not the policy’s architects, who sent their own children to private schools. They were the low-income Black students who had no choice but to sit in classrooms where order had been abandoned.

Steinberg and Lacoe, in their comprehensive review of discipline reform research published in Education Next, found a consistent pattern—policies that reduced suspensions without providing adequate alternative consequences led to increased classroom disruption. Academic achievement decreased in schools with the most aggressive reforms. The problem was not the aspiration—it was the wholesale removal of consequences without replacing them with anything that actually worked.

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Top 5 Solutions That Are Already Working

1. Restorative Justice in Chicago Public Schools. Chicago implemented restorative justice—dialogue circles, peer mediation, and community conferencing—across 73 high schools. The critical difference from the failed reform models is that Chicago kept consequences in place while adding restorative alternatives. Suspensions dropped 18%. Arrests fell 19% overall and 35% on school grounds. Black students saw the largest benefits. The key lesson is that restorative practice works when it supplements consequences rather than replacing them.

2. Perry Preschool Program. This program in Ypsilanti, Michigan addressed discipline problems at their root—before children ever reached the school-to-prison pipeline. Disadvantaged 3- and 4-year-old African American children received daily classes and weekly home visits. Fifty years later, only 31% had ever been arrested, compared to 51% in the control group. The participants’ own children were far less likely to be suspended. The return was $12.90 for every dollar invested.

3. Black Homeschooling Movement. Black homeschooling surged during the pandemic, driven by parents rejecting the discipline systems that targeted their children. Black homeschool students scored 23 to 42 percentile points above Black public school students on standardized tests. The movement represents a direct parental response to the suspension crisis—families removing their children from systems that treated them as problems rather than students.

4. Becoming a Man — BAM. BAM is a school-based, CBT-grounded group counseling and mentoring program for at-risk young men in high-violence neighborhoods. Four randomized controlled trials found that violent crime arrests dropped 45-50%. Graduation rates rose 19%. The benefit-cost ratio ranged from 5-to-1 to 30-to-1. BAM works because it teaches self-regulation—the skill that prevents the behavior that triggers suspension in the first place.

5. Mississippi Literacy Reform. Mississippi’s literacy reform connects to the suspension crisis through a documented causal chain. Children who cannot read become disruptive. Disruptive children get suspended. Suspended children drop out. Mississippi broke that chain by mandating phonics-based instruction and rising from 49th to 21st in national reading scores. Black students posted among the largest gains ever recorded. When children can read, they engage. When they engage, they do not get suspended.

The Bottom Line

The numbers tell a story that no political narrative can override.

The discipline reform movement did not fail because its diagnosis was wrong. Racial bias in school discipline is real and worth addressing. The movement failed because it confused the elimination of consequences with the elimination of bias. The students who paid the price for that confusion were the same Black children the movement claimed to protect.

A school without discipline is not a school. It is a holding facility. Calling that holding facility “equitable” does not make it so. It makes it a lie. The children trapped inside it know it is a lie. The adults who put them there refuse to admit it.